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George Orwell on Clarity in Language |
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Politics and the English Language |
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Examples of poor language
These five passages have not
been picked out because they are especially bad
— I could have quoted far worse if I had chosen
— but because they illustrate various of the
mental vices from which we now suffer. They are
a little below the average, but are fairly
representative examples. I number them so that I
can refer back to them when necessary:
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1. I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not
true to say that the Milton who once seemed
not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had
not become, out of an experience ever more
bitter in each year, more alien [sic]
to the founder of that Jesuit sect which
nothing could induce him to tolerate.
Professor
Harold Laski (Essay in Freedom of
Expression)
2. Above all, we cannot play ducks and
drakes with a native battery of idioms which
prescribes egregious collocations of
vocables as the Basic put up with for
tolerate, or put at a loss for
bewilder.
Professor
Lancelot Hogben (Interglossia)
3. On the one side we have the free
personality: by definition it is not
neurotic, for it has neither conflict nor
dream. Its desires, such as they are, are
transparent, for they are just what
institutional approval keeps in the
forefront of consciousness; another
institutional pattern would alter their
number and intensity; there is little in
them that is natural, irreducible, or
culturally dangerous. But on the other
side, the social bond itself is nothing
but the mutual reflection of these
self-secure integrities. Recall the
definition of love. Is not this the very
picture of a small academic? Where is there
a place in this hall of mirrors for either
personality or fraternity?
Essay on
psychology in Politics (New York)
4. All the ‘best people’ from the
gentlemen's clubs, and all the frantic
fascist captains, united in common hatred of
Socialism and bestial horror at the rising
tide of the mass revolutionary movement,
have turned to acts of provocation, to foul
incendiarism, to medieval legends of
poisoned wells, to legalize their own
destruction of proletarian organizations,
and rouse the agitated petty-bourgeoise to
chauvinistic fervor on behalf of the fight
against the revolutionary way out of the
crisis.
Communist
pamphlet
5. If a new spirit is to be infused into
this old country, there is one thorny and
contentious reform which must be tackled,
and that is the humanization and
galvanization of the B.B.C. Timidity here
will bespeak canker and atrophy of the soul.
The heart of Britain may be sound and of
strong beat, for instance, but the British
lion's roar at present is like that of
Bottom in Shakespeare's A Midsummer
Night's Dream — as gentle as any sucking
dove. A virile new Britain cannot continue
indefinitely to be traduced in the eyes or
rather ears, of the world by the effete
languors of Langham Place, brazenly
masquerading as ‘standard English’. When the
Voice of Britain is heard at nine o'clock,
better far and infinitely less ludicrous to
hear aitches honestly dropped than the
present priggish, inflated, inhibited,
school-ma'amish arch braying of blameless
bashful mewing maidens!
Letter in
Tribune
Each of these passages has
faults of its own, but, quite apart from
avoidable ugliness, two qualities are common to
all of them. The first is staleness of imagery;
the other is lack of precision. The writer
either has a meaning and cannot express it, or
he inadvertently says something else, or he is
almost indifferent as to whether his words mean
anything or not. This mixture of vagueness and
sheer incompetence is the most marked
characteristic of modern English prose, and
especially of any kind of political writing. As
soon as certain topics are raised, the concrete
melts into the abstract and no one seems able to
think of turns of speech that are not hackneyed:
prose consists less and less of words
chosen for the sake of their meaning, and more
and more of phrases tacked together like
the sections of a prefabricated hen-house.
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